Mistakes and Failures of a Business Essay

Little and enormous business falls flat since they face challenge to numerous dangers in what they do. Bunches of times the representatives represent the moment of truth a business or the proprietor of the business, which causes a business to fall flat. The manner in which they fix the issue is to ask the representatives what they are hoping to escape the business and what they like to see finished with the business these way proprietors and representatives can cooperate as a group and not commit errors and disappointments in the following a very long time to come. Loads of business aimlessly trust representatives witch implies that the specialist can take from the business or have issues with others they work with from everyday. The worker will give his/her manager blend singles on the main job and with that the business will fall flat and lose benefits also there pay or caught will be lost. The greatest disappointment of a business is worker time robbery this cost the business cash and time witch can bomb a business and is a serious mix-up the business misses each day. As expressed by go4funding. com each and every day, numerous organizations come up short for various reasons. As per the United States’ Small Business Administration (SBA), roughly 90% of every single little endeavor come up short inside the initial two years of activity, basically in light of the fact that numerous business people do not have the fundamental information and involvement with taking care of the difficulties of their organization in its underlying stages. Coming up next are a few normal issues that are experienced during this fundamental primer stage. Entrepreneurs ought to be educated about these issues and work tenaciously to deliver them so as to maintain a strategic distance from disappointment.

Altruistic Surrogacy Arrangements Essay Example for Free

Philanthropic Surrogacy Arrangements Essay Couples the world over discover that they’re incapable to imagine youngsters. This is a very awful and hindering circumstance in anyones life who is attempting to have a kid. Barrenness influences in excess of 7 million individuals in the United States, and around 12 percent of ladies of childbearing age are viewed as fruitless. Most fruitlessness cases are treated with medication or hormone treatments or medical procedure. In any case, around 3 percent of cases require further developed methods, for example, surrogacy. A substitute is a lady who conveys a youngster for an individual or a couple. Accounts of surrogacy reach back to the Bible with the narrative of Abraham, his significant other, Sarah, and her handmaiden, Hagar. In this story, Sarah discovers she can't consider and orchestrates Abraham to impregnate Hagar, who proceeds to imagine Ishmael. There are two kinds of surrogacy choices, one is conventional surrogacy and the other is gestational surrogacy. A conventional proxy is a lady who gives her own egg and afterward conveys the pregnancy. The surrogate’s egg is treated through managed impregnation with the sperm of the dad or a sperm giver. Conventional proxies are hereditarily identified with the kid in light of the fact that their own eggs are utilized all the while. A gestational substitute or otherwise called a gestational transporter, are not naturally or hereditarily identified with the kid she conveys. Gestational bearers become pregnant through the procedure of in vitro treatment, where an incipient organism or undeveloped organisms made from the eggs and sperm of the expected guardians. Giver eggs and contributor sperm are chosen by the proposed guardians are embedded in the uterus for the gestational time of 40 weeks. Proposed guardians and proxies need to consider what kind of surrogacy course of action they have an inclination that they are OK with. There are two basic sorts of plans relating to surrogacy, which are business and charitable. In business surrogacy the substitute is paid for her time and exertion, any movement included and related clinical costs not secured by protection. The picked proxy and the planned guardians normally don’t know each other before the course of action. In unselfish surrogacy courses of action, the transporter sees no monetary profit, and the game plans are normally made with family members or companions of the proposed guardians. Surrogacy is against the Church’s instructing, they instruct that strategies that involve the separation of husband and spouse, by the interruption of an individual other than the couple (gift of sperm or ovum, proxy uterus), are gravely unethical. These strategies (heterologous manual semen injection and treatment) encroach the child’s option to be conceived of a dad and mother known to him and bound to one another by marriage. They sell out the spouses’ â€Å"right to turn into a dad and a mother just through one another (Catechism). † The utilization of a proxy mother is a procedure that is a large number of years old. This is demonstrated in the compositions of the Bible in the narrative of Abraham and his better half Sarah, she was barren. Right now in the earth’s history, a lady who was childless was regularly now and again disgraced by her loved ones. These ladies would offer their hirelings to go about as a proxy. The Bible doesn't explicitly restrict the procedure of surrogacy. The inquiry that you should pose is, regardless of whether it is viewed as good or moral with keeping kids imagined out of affection, conceived from a wedded couple. The Bible has likewise been deciphered as expressing that kids are a blessing, not a right. In this manner, God will favor a few people with kids and others not. By and by I accept surrogacy is a â€Å"okay† practice. Surrogacy at last carries euphoria to the couple and for what reason would god not need us to look for satisfaction. Surrogacy may appear to resist God’s will however I think it’s a method of making a valuable life out of an awful circumstance. Being revealed to you won't have the option to have your own kids is a lamentable circumstance. You could never know how it felt until you experience yourself. What gives us the option to pass judgment on another person for needing a kid from their own DNA. On the off chance that Surrogacy can utilize one incipient organism and not slaughter of the others I figure it ought to be permitted in the congregation. Benevolent Surrogacy Arrangements. (2018, Nov 07).

unkrainianamerican folklore essays

unkrainianamerican legends expositions Motivations behind Ukrainian-American Folklore The generally enormous Ukrainian people group in the United States has numerous conventions and customs, the vast majority of which come from a sentiment of Ukrainian patriotism. As Ukraine was being overwhelmed by Russia, Ukrainians were moving by the thousands to the US. Ukrainians moving to the new world were abandoning a vanishing society and moving to a totally unique land. Settlers were pleased with their legacy, and a considerable lot of the conventions that were begun in America exist to safeguard this legacy and to give it to people in the future. The Ukrainian Boy Scouting program is one such custom. Ukrainians in America began this program in the mid 1900s to prepare their young to come back to Ukraine and drive the Russians out. This started as protection from Russian guideline over Ukraine. All young men and young ladies take part in this irregularly consistently, beginning at age seven and proceeding forever. Ukrainian Boy Scouts is altogether different from the ordinary American perspective on Boy Scouts, in that it includes an increasingly thorough wild preparing program. This is on the grounds that the program was basically begun as a military preparing program, and in spite of the fact that it exists now just for the sake of entertainment and custom, a significant number of the subjects and thoughts instructed to the young people continue as before. Individuals who are associated with the program put their kids through it, as an endeavor to protect Ukrainian culture. At the point when Ukrainians turn eighteen they bec ome advocates, and at age thirty-five they become seniors and run the program. This program, alongside a bunch of comparable projects, was begun for different reasons. Regardless, Ukrainian young people experienced difficulty acclimating to American culture. They (Ukrainian youth programs) are assisting with tackling a portion of the social issues of the second era that doesn't appear to have the option to discover its way into American culture or doesn't feel comfortable there. ... <!

Thomas Eliot Essays (1185 words) - Christian Poetry, Chapbooks

Thomas Eliot T.S. Eliot was a persuasive worrier, consistently and continually flourishing with his contempt of seemingly insignificant details and his adoration life. Eliot was conceived in St. Louis Missouri - 1888 promotion. His folks were the two journalists and adored expressions of the human experience, most viably giving the qualities to their child. While growing up he learned numerous things, his folks were incredibly social and scholarly and they pushed him to accomplish the most noteworthy of statuses. He headed off to college at Harvard University and at that point moved to London to go to Oxford. He at that point turned into a resident of England in 1915. While in England Eliot held numerous occupations to keep the installments on his fifth floor English loft and his school educational cost. Eliot immediately got famous with Britain and was known as an extraordinary writer and an exacting pundit. Eliot is ideal known for two of his works: The Waste Land (1922) and The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock (1915). As a matter of fact the Love tune is the start of the Waste Land. The Squander Land is in 5 sections, so it is to a greater extent a story in poetical structure. In the Love Melody, Eliot really sounds somewhat like a self assured person, without a doubt however his own ?squander land?steps in part of the way through. This is his lone lovely work I like. However, it will never be at the highest point of any of my rundowns. In this ?melody? , JAP (J. Alfred Prufrock) is composing a letter to his nectar, the young lady he is infatuated with. In this sonnet Eliot utilizes a great deal of visual symbolism, he is excellent with his descriptive words and brings such a glad connection of thought into a horrid reality he would call his ?Waste Land?. He discusses how : In the room the ladies come furthermore, go Talking of Michelangelo. - TLSJAP verse 13 and 14 It has been my idea this may imply his ?type?. Eliot, again was a scholarly and afterward so he would in all probability hang out where the keen individuals were and escape from: Of eager evenings in one-night modest inns And sawdust café with shellfish shells: Streets that follow like a monotonous contention Of deceptive expectation. - refrains 6-9 He really gives the proof to where he discovered his ladies, and how he jumps at the chance to walk around the outside and winding up in spots of persuasiveness, and ?High Society?. Despite the fact that he had a medium measure of cash. He was as yet acknowledged in places for lower pay in light of his high insight what's more, the insight of his ladies. Individuals appreciated his conversation. He goes on discussing how there will consistently be the ideal opportunity for us alluding to the affection that which he shares for her, and that there will consistently be the ideal opportunity for things, yet letting each other gander at the delight as present and the departure from his ?Waste Land?. He goes on in verse 37 - 48 telling how they would develop old together, while still with the individuals that encompass them that they love so profoundly. He at that point recounts how he ?knows? things and how life consistently goes (proof of authenticity) in refrains 49 - 54. Presently here you can begin to detect his skeptical side shed a piece, talking of the: To let out all the butt-parts of the bargains and ways, And by what method would it be a good idea for me to assume? Verse 60 and 61 obviously I surmise you could accept that as an apology line be that as it may, I don't think along these lines, gives up on. From verses 70 - 86 it shows what I believe is his profound side and talking as though he were as a matter of fact a Realist which he likely was, in any event to me. He lowers himself a incredible arrangement , which is acceptable , yet discusses how things gradually blur , alluding a parcel to his hair loss and how age negatively affects connections. This is my most loved piece of the sonnet, since he brings you into his spirit, not simply letting you taste the activity . I feel this is the way he lived. Continually leaving individuals to taste the great stuff around him however behind his eyes ly his mind and behind his cerebrum his heart and when his organization least anticipated it, ?I could see him waving his hands and saying?, ?Come all! Come! Come!...come and feel my pain...come and pity me...come and think I am humble.....even however I couldn't care less a lot of any of you.? That is the image I

The Secondary Education in Britain free essay sample

In the UK, understudies enter the auxiliary school by taking the 11 or more test at 11 years old. Tuition based schools and government funded schools are the 2 sorts of British optional schools. State funded School is absolutely free and tuition based school will cost a ton. Be that as it may, Private schools are typically obviously superior to government funded schools regardless of in offices or instructors. Be that as it may, in China most auxiliary schools are state funded schools, which is superior to tuition based schools. English auxiliary instruction endures seven years and it can partition into two phases. One phase is before the age of 16 and the subsequent stage is 16 to 18. The principal stage is the time of obligatory training in the UK. English understudies need to learn numerous subjects during the auxiliary training before the age of 14, and afterward take the Key stage 3 test. Understudies from the age of 14, they have to get familiar with the center courses, for example, English, arithmetic and science classes, yet additionally need to learn four to five elective courses. After two years, when they are sixteenth, they will take the GCSE test. Be that as it may, in China, the initial three years of optional training is mandatory instruction. During this period, Chinese understudies must choose between limited options to pick courses which they are keen on. They need to get familiar with all the courses which Entrance Exam to Senior High Schools required. So Chinese understudies for the most part have a lot of express of assessment. After British understudies total the principal phase of auxiliary training, they can pick proceed with their investigation or go to work. Obviously, the majority of the understudies pick the main decision. In the event that they do this, generally they will have two additional years to take the A-Level courses. A wide scope of subjects opened in the A-Level courses, for example, business, legitimate, media and governmental issues and so on. At last they will take a test to enter the college and finish their auxiliary training. Be that as it may, it is simpler than the College Entrance Examination in China. Chinese understudies can pick Science or liberal workmanship. Be that as it may, they despite everything need to gain proficiency with all the subjects of the school selection test required. They don’t have a great deal of self-particular. Consequently, the auxiliary training in the UK and China has a great deal contrast, however the two of them have their own focal points and impediments. The Compulsory training English obligatory instruction is 11 years, which two years longer than it is in China. And all the educational cost of British obligatory instruction is paid by the legislature, however in China understudies need to pay some little pieces of it like the expense of the screwballs. In China, the obligatory training completed at 15 years old. The legislature won't pay for their further investigation; this may bring about a portion of the understudies in poor families can't enter middle school. They can't get a reasonable line of work with such a youthful age. It both expanded the strain to singular families yet in addition to the entire society. Longer necessary instruction implies that British understudies can show signs of improvement training. It not exclusively can tackle these issues, yet in addition have a great deal of advantages: Firstly, it can soothe a portion of the weight on work. Longer necessary instruction can make some people’s business time delay for a considerable length of time, to stay away from the work top period and diminish the weight on work. Also, the youngsters in poor families can get information resources. With the assistance of information assets† they can get more pay and afterward leave destitution. Thirdly, it can improve the nature of the considerable number of individuals. Longer mandatory instruction can give all the young kids better training. Result or procedure? In China, the appraisal of understudy test scores as it were. In China, the score is the best way to evaluate the understudies. At the end of the day, the main standard which chose the college they will go to is the College Entrance Examination scores. Along these lines, with the training framework in China, a few understudies become anomalous: Academic execution is awesome, however the other capacity is just about a zero. The first aim of training is to make understudies more intelligent, yet on the off chance that the understudies give all of consideration on their scores, and lost the enthusiasm of the subject, it will make the understudies inept. In any case, British instruction consistently gives more consideration to the exhaustive advancement of understudies. English schools have less tests. Be that as it may, understudies have a ton of coursework and introductions. This sort of coursework typically centered around viable issues, and consistently need collaboration. It is useful to improve the students’ capacities of communicate and make. Youthful people’s information piece The distinctive instruction caused the youngsters to have diverse information structure in various nations. Auxiliary training opened in the UK has a wide scope of courses. With the evaluation expanded, understudies can bit by bit discover which subjects that they are keen on or they are bad, and afterward the following semester, they could surrender a subject that not inspired by or not great at, and keep their preferred subjects. This is much the same as a pyramid; Students can completely show their own advantages and leisure activities with their learning activity. Then again, it is extremely useful for future college study. Simultaneously, this sort obviously choice can help understudies constrained their focus on their preferred courses and can improve their proficiency of learning. Yet, in China, understudies in auxiliary instruction need to take all the subjects which the College Entrance Examination required. So they may need to become familiar with certain courses which they are not inspired by. Be that as it may, this sort of instruction made the establishment of the Chinese understudies extremely strong. As it were, Chinese optional training gives more consideration to exhaustive instruction. Along these lines, Chinese understudies consistently have complete information. However, they are absence of inventive capacity. On the off chance that there is an opposition, the title consistently has a place with China. End Overall, British auxiliary training framework is really great. Understudy concentrate in the UK can develop an intrigue without any problem. They can pick their preferred courses and gain proficiency with an extremely valuable information that would be useful to their entire life. Reference An overview by HM Inspectors of Schools, (1979), Aspects of optional instruction in England, [online]. Accessible on http://www. educationengland. organization. uk/archives/hmi-auxiliary/record. html Becky Francis and Louise Archer, (10 November 2003), Britishâ€Chinese pupils’ and parents’ developments of the estimation of training, British Educational Research Journal, Vol. 31, No. 1, February 2005, pp. 89â€108 Montreal, (November 2008), The UK Education System: a rundown contribution to the Canada UK Colloquia. Association of the training framework in the United Kingdom â€England, Wales and Northern Ireland, UKENG/WLS/NIR

How to Write Better Essays Top Tips To Write An Effective Essay

How to Write Better Essays Top Tips To Write An Effective Essay Essay writing is not an easy task this needs a lot of attention and dedication, here we present some of the best suggestion to write an essay more effectively. How to Write an Essay Summary How to Write an EssayChoose a subjectWrite an Attractive TitleRead the essay prompt carefully and understand the questionUtilize the correct vocabulary: The tone of voiceAvoid Grammer MistakesProper ConclusionTake help from Experts Choose a subject You may have your topic appointed; otherwise, you are also given the freedom to choose the topic of your interest. If youre given the subject, you ought to suppose to prepare the paper as directed by your educator and that you have to submit. If you choose the topic by yourself, then you can write it, study it and do research on it. Write an Attractive Title The title is the first and most important part of how to write an essay because the first impression is the last So, please be creative and dont pick a random topic try to find the topic which you are familiar before, or you can research thoroughly on that. The title should be interesting and it one of the essential parts try to make it brief and accurate. Make sure that your title is eye-catching and straightforward for the eyes. This is the first thing that sees by the reader and through a title, they will understand what you are going to explain. Dont use the passive voice in the title. Read the essay prompt carefully and understand the question After selecting the topic go for the next part on how to write an essay, This is to read the question, again and again, because every time you will find the new mistake and make changes a little bit every time. Use the proper word delivery to give the exact meaning of that word. Don’t use jargon words only go with the simple sentences which give a full understanding of all kind of audience. Utilize the correct vocabulary: How you use language is significant, particularly in an essay writing. When writing an essay, recollect that you are attempting to induce others that you are a specialist who can make a sharp argument. Utilizing huge words to sound smart frequently brings about the contrary impactâ€"it is anything but difficult to identify when somebody is overcompensating in their composition. If you arent sure of the particular importance of a word, then dont use it. The tone of voice In terms of Writing, The tone of voice means the Writers attitude, expressions, and feelings toward the audience and the subject matter. In it, you will consider your words and writing style. You convey your thoughts and feelings related to the topic and your voice while reading it should be confident. Once you are done with writing, go through with the whole essay two or three times if you find any big word-break it into two, or use a synonym of that. The main motive of the tone of voice is to engage your audience with the essay. Avoid Grammer Mistakes Proper grammar is difficult for most fluent English speakers. Because you are beginners in English. So you should avoid common mistakes such as Tenses, Articles, and Modals. They make a big change in your essay writing because these little symbols can make a lot of difference in every paragraph. For that purpose, you can use online tools like Grammarly. Proper Conclusion One of the most concentrated part essay writing is the conclusion. Your conclusion represents all the efforts and research of the essay. It should be unique attractive and simple. A proper conclusion represents the overview of the whole essay in brief. Countless great essays have been written, only to be extracted from the conclusion of vague, weak words. Dont let your next essay be one of them. Take help from Experts Essay writing seems like a boring task for students. They dont like to do so much research on this work. They cannot submit essays that are copied from online sources because their professors are aware of published sources. In this situation, there is only one way just to take help from for Essay Writing. Our professionals available 24X7 to provide the best Essay Writing Help.

How This Guy Earned $29k On Top Of A Free Ride To College

I am always careful to say you can GET PAID to go to college in fear of backlash but, in fact, it is possible.How do I know?Well, I was able to do it(receiving an overage check each semester to help pay for room and board, books and other educational expenses).. and so was Nick True, who studied Mechanical Engineering at the University of Tennessee at Chattanooga.Not only was Nick able to get a free ride, but he received money above and beyond his college bill to the tune of $29k.The best part? It didnt include any need-based aid AND he doesnt fit the stereotypes of what most people perceive as scholarship recipients (athletes, females, minorities, etc.) We bust these myths in my free scholarship training (you can learn more about the training here) and I am ecstatic to share how Nick defied these myths and banked money by going to college.Now whether you agree with this or not, you have to admit that its quite impressive. Nick followed all the rules when it came to submitting the in formation for taxes so please put the pitchforks away and read how this persistent student managed to pull it off.Enjoy!How much scholarship money did you receive?I received $85,450.00 during the four years I was in college. More importantly, total cost (tuition plus room/board) was only $56,527.62That means I put $28,922.38 back in my pocket over those four years.Bottom line: My scholarships covered 151% of my university cost.What was the breakdown (grants, merit-based, external, financial aid (need-based), etc.)?Financial Aid (need-based): $0.00Grants: $0.00UTC Merit-Based: $27,000.00External Merit-Based: $35,950.00State Merit-Based: $22,500.00Notes: UTC = University of Tennessee at Chattanooga State = TN has the hope scholarship which is merit-based and funded by the TN lotteryWhat made you want to apply for scholarships?When I was in middle school, my parents made a joke that if I got a full-ride to college, they would buy me a car.For some reason, that stuck and I worked my tai l off in high school trying to get a full-ride to college. My Freshman year I was awarded a full-ride to the University of Tennessee at Chattanooga, and I got my car :).Unfortunately, tuition kept increasing at 7% plus a year and my scholarships werent keeping pace. By sophomore year I started looking for external scholarships to help fund the rest of my school. I was determined to graduated debt free without using student loans, so scholarships were imperative.Once I started looking, it began to feel like a game. As an extremely competitive person, I wanted to win as much scholarship money as possible and put it back into my pocket. This game-like view turned out to be extremely helpful because I met a girl during my sophomore year who would eventually become my wife.We got married during my Senior year, and that wouldnt have been possible without the extra money I won in scholarships. We lived off mostly scholarship money during our first year of marriage. Im incredibly grateful f or the opportunity that all of the money gave us.Related articles:Free College Tuition is Actually Possible at These SchoolsWhy a Full Ride Scholarship Requires Much More than Free College TuitionWhen did you start applying for scholarships? (What year/grade/semester.. did you keep on applying?)I took my first ACT in the 10th grade and started researching colleges and their scholarshipopportunities during 11th grade. At first, my ACT score was low, so I read some test-prep books and ended up re-taking the test six more times. Yes, I took the ACT 7 times and SAT once. Ridiculous, but again, I was motivated to get through college without loans.Once I achieved the score I needed, I stopped taking the ACT and turned my attention to scholarship applications during the spring semester of 11th grade.*Jocelyns note: This is what we always try to stress when talking about the best times to apply for scholarships. Read more here:When Your Child Should Start Applying for Scholarships.I applied for scholarships and honors programs at in-state schools during the fall semester of 12th grade and did on-campus interviews during my last semester of high school.Once I was in college, I started focusing on external scholarships mostly related to engineering.Most engineering scholarships are awarded in the spring each year and have applications due in Jan/Feb. I spent every Christmas break during college applying for 15 or more scholarships, each with theirindividual essays and teacher recommendations. It was a numbers game for me. The more I could apply for, the better my odds were at winning.How did you start the application process? Did you have a mentor? Older sibling? Teacher that guided you at all?Google.I didnt have a mentor or anyone showing me the process. I spent hours on google reading and learning about scholarships and different opportunities.I did have my mom helping me find scholarships. I told her a couple of websites I typically searched on and then she also spen t a lot of time on Google. Whenever she ran across something, she would email me the application, and I would take it from there.Back then I didnt have anything like The Scholarship System, but I wish I did. It definitely wouldve cut down on the amount of time I spent piecing this all together myself.What was your favorite strategy for securing scholarships?The strategy that was the most lucrative for me was joining professional organizations.Every major has tons of professional organizations based on discipline, gender, state, interest, etc I joined every possible engineering organization I could find because almost all of them have private scholarships they give out to student members.My most lucrative scholarships came from these organizations, and its absolutely the best thing I did to find scholarships.What is one tip that you would share with students trying to find scholarships?Dont give up.The single biggest scholarship I received was won on my third try. I applied for a sch olarship from the ACEC (American Council of Engineering Companies) during my Sophomore year and didnt win anything at all. I applied again during my Junior year and won $1,000 from the TN region of ACEC. That was nice, but it certainly wasnt a significant amount of money. Luckily, I didnt give up and I applied again my Senior year. This time I won the top state scholarship ($5,000) and went on to compete for the National scholarship by writing another essay. I ended up winning the top national award for $10,000 and a free trip to their conference that year. Oh, and it just so happened that in 2015 their conference was in Hawaii 🙂 *Jocelyns note: JEALOUS.Bottom line: Dont give up.It wouldve been easy for me to mark that scholarship off my application list after not winning the first year. But instead, I focused on improving my essay and working hard on my studies. Eventually, it paid off.Nick True is a married twenty-something from Tennessee and father to four fur-children. Nick was able to cover more than 100% of his college costs via scholarships and by 24 he and his wife had made enough money to start traveling and living full time in an Airstream. Today,he writes and speaks about personal finance and budgeting for young professionals at mappedoutmoney.comLearn how to do what Nick did by joining our free webinar where I cover our 6 Steps to Securing Scholarships for College. I did it, Nick did it. Many others have done it as well. Its just a matter of knowing what to do and how to do it (which is exactly what I share). So if you have a child that is a junior in high school or older, sign up today at www.thescholarshipsystem.com/freewebinar.Pin15RedditShareLeave a Comment

Questions On Personal Ethical Framework - 1203 Words

Before I begin to share my personal ethical framework I want to first state how difficult this process has been. Through the course of class, I have discovered that evaluating yourself if leaps and bounds more difficult than evaluating others, well at least it was for me. The course readings have been very influential, and very telling as it relates to building my own ethical framework. While I feel personally that I naturally was drawn to the Frankl reading, I was caught off guard in realizing that my ethical framework had also been influenced by the Palmer text. After thoughtful deliberation and reflection I decided to use the acronym of C.A.R.E. to present my personal ethical framework. C-Create community to build humanity A-Always have faith, hope, love and a willingness to serve others R-Raise up the next generation of leaders E-Encourage people to follow their dreams I chose C.A.R.E. as the word itself expresses part of my ethical framework, and each piece ties in to that particular ethic. First I will discuss the â€Å"C† or Creating community to build humanity. The Frankl book, â€Å"Man’s Search for Meaning† really brought this aspect alive for me. In the book Viktor Frankl spends time, effort and energy building community, amid the Germans attempt to destroy any effort at humanity. Frankl was successful in building community and it helped to sustain and keep humanity intact. 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Electronic Medical Records and Charting Essay examples

Electronic Medical Records and Charting Today’s healthcare is changing, and more hospitals are commencing to go paperless using computers for both medical records and charting. Computers are widely accepted, in personal and professional settings. It is an essential requirement for computer literacy. Numerous advances in technology during the past decade require that nurses not only be knowledgeable in nursing skills but also to become educated in computer technology. While electronic medical records (EMR’s) and charting can be an effective time management tool, some questions have been asked on how exactly this will impact the role and process of nursing, and the ultimate effects on patient safety and confidentiality. In order to†¦show more content†¦Some negative indications when using EMR’s could be: power outages and or computer glitches, potential privacy threats, and some believe that it may lead to depersonalized patient care. EMR’s and charting are becoming a bigger part of an ever changing aspect in the world of healthcare and should be used more in the Emergency Department at GLWACH and in all Emergency Departments across the nation. With further research looking into ways to fix any glitches and provide continued upgrade of systems, EMR’s have the potential to reduce health care costs, improve efficiency, and to enhance the quality of care and patient safety that is provided by the nurse and the rest of the medical staff in the Emergency Department. At this time GLWACH Emergency Department does use paper charting but the paper charts do get scanned and uploaded onto a computerized system to be made part of their permanent EMR. How can EMR’s improve the nursing process now and in the future? Having had the op-portunity to perform my clinicals in three different Emergency Departments in the past two years and being exposed to both the positive and negative to both paper and paperless medical records Training new nurses is vital for an accurate EMR. Bober, M., Boonstra, J.Show MoreRelatedElectronic Medical Records vs. Paper Charting1663 Words   |  7 PagesElectronic Medical records vs. Paper Medical Charts By: Diedre Fitzgerald Rasmussen College Summer 2012 English Composition; Professor Pauley Electronic Medical records vs. Paper Medical Charts It is no secret that the medical profession deals with some of population’s most valuable records; their health information. Not so long ago there was only one method of keeping medical records and this was utilizing paper charts. These charts, although still used in many practices today, have slowly beenRead MoreElectronic Charting Of The Emergency Room1089 Words   |  5 PagesElectronic Charting in the Emergency Room According to Fort Belvoir Community Hospital Emergency Department head COL Timothy Barron, M.D., the FBCH emergency department sees 52,000 patients per year. This makes it the busiest emergency room in the Defense Health Agency and the 5th busiest in the Department of Defense (T. Barron, personal communication, May 12, 2016). Despite this high flow of patients, the emergency department continues to use paper charting. This increases the risk of error in documentingRead MoreImplementation Of Benner s Theory For Informatics955 Words   |  4 Pagesexpert. Case Study University Medical Center has recently upgraded to an electronic medical record system. The goal of this system is to create more efficient, reliable, and accessible charting and medical records for doctors, nurses, and patients. When first discussed, the staff acted favorably towards it. However, with the system now in place, the staff is having a hard time adjusting. The staff nurses believe that the charting takes time away from patient care. Charting is taking longer than itRead MoreElectronic Medical Records And Electronic Health Records935 Words   |  4 Pages  Not only have these advancements helped make our lives easier, it has also helped us lived longer. For example, the use of the computer has evolved in health care. Medical Professionals use the computer for their daily operations. As a result of the use of the computer, the Electronic Medical Records (EMR) and Electronic Health Records (EHR) were created. In 2009, President Obama signed the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, which included the HITECH (Health Information Technology for EconomicRead MoreEthical Implications Of Electronic Health Records967 Words   |  4 Pages Ethical Implications of Electronic Health Records Brian Davis Dr. Kemp defines an electronic medical record (EMR) as â€Å"the digital version of a paper chart that contains all of a patients medical history from one practice† (Kemp, 2014). He also differentiates between the use of the term electronic medical record (EMR) and electronic health record (EHR). An EHR is more â€Å"comprehensive† than an EMR. It allows for data sharing across multiple practices. The use of both EMRsRead MoreNursing Informatics Now and in the Future1626 Words   |  7 Pagescare worker can obtain information to deliver medical care to their patients much more efficiently than they could in the past. I want to discuss how the use of computers, electronic medical records and other electronic technologies has changed how we as health care professionals take care of our patients today and how we will be taking care of them in the future. ELECTRONIC MEDICAL RECORD: As little as 4 years ago I was still charting my assessments on my patients on paper chartsRead MoreOrganizational Assessment1097 Words   |  5 Pagescurrent charting system, in order to improve patient care. Perceived Needs for Improvement The organization requiring improvement in their technological department caters to patients with kidney disease. The organization provides life sustaining therapies from patients with acute kidney injury to those with end-stage renal disease. The one area in which the organization need to improve on is their charting system. The company currently utilizes three different electronic medical record system,Read MoreWith An Ever-Changing World, It Is Important To Predict1284 Words   |  6 Pagesis healthcare’s main concern. This paper analyzes the benefits and risks of paper vs. electronic vs. RFID charting. While paper charting in facilities are becoming obsolete, the alternatives still pose a risk for the provider and patient. Paper charting was once the first and only form of charting available in the healthcare system. With all of the advancements in technology, it is a wonder how paper charting is still around today. The answer is clear. It is fast, easy, simple, universal, littleRead MoreEssay National Ehr Mandate1248 Words   |  5 PagesNational EHR Mandate Heidi Babcock-Marvin Ohio University National EHR Mandate An electronic health record (EHR) defines as the permissible patient record created in hospitals that serve as the data source for all health records. It is an electronic version of a paper chart that includes the patient’s medical history, maintained by the provider over time, and may include all of the key administrative clinical data relevant to that persons care. Information that is readily available includesRead MoreElectronic Medical And Health Records Essay1681 Words   |  7 Pages Electronic Medical and Health Records: The Future of Healthcare Nursing Informatics Seanequa Morrison Dr. Gwen Morse November 22, 2016 Abstract Electronic medical records often used interchangeably with the term electronic health records are potential systems that are being used to not only transform the way healthcare is being delivered, but to promote the quality of care of patients while creating less medical errors. In recent years electronic health records (EHR) has evolved its concept

Computers in the World of Healthcare - 1259 Words

Before, when doctor’s offices and hospitals were using paper things would get lost or stolen. Over time offices and hospitals started transferring their paper documents on to a computer to narrow down too much paper work. Although there were some complications in regards to putting everything on the computer. Some paper work was either not put on the computer or lost in the confusion. Now days the only time when hospital uses paper is when the computers are down. In this paper, I will show you the world of healthcare all the way from history to future telesurgery. The uses of computers in healthcare include education, diagnostic testing, and medical research. The history of healthcare has changed in the last fifty years. In the 1950’s†¦show more content†¦Patient Monitoring is inputting vital signs of the patient all the way to the nurses’ computer in the nurses’ station. Also, a glucose check is automatically entered into the system by the glucose meter as it calculates the results. All of these sources of input are combined to form a complete current picture of the patient. When the picture is on the screen where it can be view is called an output device. An output device is something that is readable by people or a machine such as a printer. An x-ray and CT-scan both need to have an input and output device in order to read the image. Most applications for the healthcare system are for patient care such as accounting, information of the patient, scans, and the plan of care for them. Many people in the healthcare field use computer to record what they are doing. Doctors who have a program on a device called DRAGON that allows them to say what they are thinking, the information of the patients’ problems, and what the care of plan for that patient is going to be. The only thing that doctors have to do is talk, they do not have to write or put anything in the computer. When they talk it automatically puts what they say in the computer. Nurses use something that they call is COW which means a computer on wheels. They can take the computer with them to patient’s rooms as they are administering medication. This computer logs all medicals given as they are scanned by bar codes and the patient receiving theShow MoreRelatedUse of Computers in Education1199 Words   |  5 PagesUse of Computers in Education Computers have become an inseparable part of our lives to a great extent. Particularly in the field of education, their uses are manifold. Let us understand them further. Over the years, computers have changed the way the world works. They have proved to be an asset not only for the corporate sector, but also in other sectors such as medicine, architecture, communication, research, sports and education. Speaking of which, computers have taken over the field of educationRead MoreGaps And Issues And Challenges Of An Electronic Medical Records1071 Words   |  5 PagesIntroduction: In our society today, all healthcare institution must transition into having Electronic Medical Records (EMR). The institution that I currently work for is a hospital that has 591-bed and is a university-affiliated with New York University, which is one of the top University in New York (NYU Winthrop Hospital). We transitioned to a full EMR system last year, which was Soarian from Cerner (NYU Winthrop Hospital). We were introduced to Soarian Clinical and Soarian Financial. SoarianRead MoreThe New Classroom : Keeping Up With Healthcare Advancements918 Words   |  4 PagesKeeping Up With Healthcare Advancements Education has evolved by leaps and bounds since the first appearance of the modern pencil in 1795. Today’s classroom’s are utilizing laptops, cellphones, tablets and multiple social media platforms. It’s imperative that education continue to keep pace with technology due to the fact that technology has immersed it’s way into every facet of the medical world. The medical arena continues to make headway, wanting to improve every aspect of healthcare from patientRead MoreComputer Aided Mammograms And Trans Atlantic Data Transfer Privacy1726 Words   |  7 PagesPaper: Computer-Aided Mammograms and Trans-Atlantic Data Transfer Privacy Garrett Gutierrez CSE 485: Capstone I #80015 12:00 PM - 1:15 PM Introduction: As new technologies emerge, they cause new and surprising impacts on the world, which shape how people experience life. Yet, these advancements in computing and engineering may have some negative consequences. Thus, they become controversial issues. Two recent issues in the computing and engineering field are the effectiveness of computer-aided mammogramsRead MoreEvolution of Healthcare Informatics893 Words   |  4 Pagesï » ¿Jpz777 03/23/2013 Order # 2088926 Those working in the field of healthcare delivery have long recognized the importance of obtaining and recording accurate data during their course of their interaction with a patient, from the physical examination recorded by nursing staff to the administration of precise dosages by primary care physicians. For centuries, doctors the world over all shared a relatively reliable, yet admittedly simplistic method of storing and accessing this vital medical information:Read MoreThe Pros And Cons Of Artificial Intelligence1245 Words   |  5 Pagesentire life without using any type of technology. Cars, cellphones, and TV s are common things we use every day, and all contain computers. It is for this reason that computers and their software should become more intelligent to make our lives easier. Artificial Intelligence systems can and will benefit us all, however many have constantly warned that making computers too intelligent can be to our downfall. Artificial Intelligence has been around for years, but what is artificial intelligence? ItRead MoreTechnological Advancements Have Created New Opportunities For Individuals, Organizations And Societies1567 Words   |  7 PagesName: Moayed Shamy Instructor: Amonte Littlejohn Date: 12/04/2014 Overdependence on Computers Technological advancements have created new opportunities for individuals, organizations and societies. The contemporary society has taken the use of the computer hardware and software so seriously that organizations that have not embraced the platform are considered irrelevant in the highly busy and competitive contemporary business environment. Opportunities as well as challenges have been created toRead MoreHealthcare Communication As A Result Of Mobile Health Technology921 Words   |  4 PagesHow healthcare communication as a result of Mobile Health Technology Characterized as the â€Å"Digital Age,† modern technologies are flooding every aspect of our lives and completely transforming healthcare communication. Healthcare technologies have revolutionized information gathering, research, treatments and communication in healthcare. The invention of â€Å"Smart Phones, tablets, and computers† has changed health care communication because more than 60% of Americans own a smartphone and 42% of theseRead MoreNursing And Electronic Medical Records1719 Words   |  7 Pagesbroad range of computer technology for our use. This technology in the nursing field is called informatics. 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Coach Carter Is The Best Version Of You - 851 Words

When a person is an athlete they have many highs and lows. The movie Coach Carter is a description of how to get through those highs and lows. Basketball is a sport that requires ninety percent thinking and ten percent of ability. The fact that an event that has happened in my life can be captured into a film and shown on a screen is amazing to me. The movie Coach Carter is very familiar to me; it’s a film that taps into the emotion of the player, it also shows a player how to become motivated, and it teaches the lesson of how to become the best version of you. The movie Coach Carter is one of the best performances of how to get a basketball team to abide by rules and create discipline. The movie is centered on a new coach who once was a player for the team back when he was in high school. The coach name is Coach Carter, and this is where the brilliant title for this movie came from. The team has been on a losing streak for the past couple of years and Mr. Carter has come to change this. The process of making this team successful is a hard task. During the process of creating the final teams there are players who come and go. The question that flourishes around this movie asked by the coach with no answer by the players is â€Å"What is your deepest fear?† Coach Carter made the team into winners, and then of course the player’s grades drop in their classes. The one thing that Mr. Carter focused on was education because he felt as if without it, the boys on his basketballShow MoreRelatedGatorade- Marketing Strategies5521 Words   |  23 Pages1967. Part of his marketing campaign for the new sports drink, was a product placement marketing strategy which branded Gatorade as the official sports drink of the NFL. 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Toward a Theory of Olympic Internationalism Free Essays

string(183) " to exacerbate and confuse the debate about values by crowning \(or afflicting\) the Movement with an exaggerated picture of its uniqueness as a vessel of reconciliation \(or harm\)\." Journal of Sport History, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Spring 1995) Toward a Theory of Olympic Internationalism John Hoberman University of Texas at Austin â€Å"Well, all right then, let’s talk about the Chairman of the World. We will write a custom essay sample on Toward a Theory of Olympic Internationalism or any similar topic only for you Order Now The world gets into a lot of trouble because it has no chairman. I would like to be Chairman of the World myself. † —E. B. White, Stuart Little (1945) â€Å"But when it comes to our age, we must have an automatic theocracy to rule the world. † —Sun Myung Moon (1973) Back in 1967, Dr. Wildor Hollmann, one of Germany’s most prominent sports physicians and longtime president of the International Federation for Sports Medicine (FIMS), was visiting the International Olympic Academy at Olympia on the day of its annual inauguration, with King Constantine himself in attendance. Naively assuming that the Academy was an open forum for thinking about the past, present, and future of the Olympic movement, Dr. Hollmann expressed the view that, in the not-too-distant future. he â€Å"Olympic idea† itself would inevitably fall victim to the logic of development inherent in the professionalization and commercialization of elite sport. The words were hardly out of his mouth before Dr. Hollmann was engulfed in a storm of indignation, during which an Italian member of the IOC declared that merely expressing such thoughts was in his view nothing less than a desecration of this holy site. 1 Olympic historiography has long been inseparable from the Movement’s stat us as a redemptive and inspirational internationalism. Like so many readings of its founder, Pierre de Coubertin (1863-1937), historical interpretations of the Olympic movement have generally taken the form of â€Å"either hagiographies or hagiolatries,† and not least because the founder himself â€Å"proclaimed Olympism beyond ideology. †2 Historical treatments of the Movement since the launching of that provocative claim have thus had no 1. W[ildor] Hollmann, â€Å"Risikofaktoren in der Entwicklung des Hochleistungssports. â€Å" in H. Rieckert, ed. Sportmedizin—Kursbestimmung [Deutscher Sportarztekongre? Kiel. l6. -19. Oktober 1986] (Berlin: SpringerVerlag, 1987): 18. 2. John J. MacAloon, This Great Symbol: Pierre de Coubertin and the Origins of the Modern Olympic Games (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981): 2, 6. 1 Journal of Sport History, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Spring 1995) choice but to embrace or call into question the transcendent status of Olympic sport that is symbolized so powerfully by opening and closing ceremonies that tap into deep and unfulfilled wishes for a Golden Age of harmony and peace. Due at least in part to the impassioned and seemingly endless debate between the defenders and detractors of â€Å"Olympism,† with its pronounced emphasis on ethical values at the expense of historical factors, serious study of the Olympic movement has stagnated. Recent monographs have presented familiar events and issues without much in the way of new research or methodological innovation. 3 While the periodical literature of the past decade or so, including voluminous conference proceedings, has offered a wider range of perspectives, the conceptual landscape inhabited by the historian has not really changed in significant ways. This closed circulatory system of topics and problems has rigidified the important debate over values by limiting our understanding of the object of contention—the Olympic movement itself. The arguments between supporters and critics of the Movement that tend to dominate discussion naturally proceed from the assumption that both actually know what the Movement is or, at least, what it is worth to the international community. Yet the sheer complexity of the Olympic phenomenon suggests there is much more to know even without entering the domain of ethnographical research. I would propose that the production of this knowledge depends on reconceptualizing the Olympic movement in fundamental ways. This essay proposes a theory of Olympic internationalism based on a comparative method. Indeed, the fact that no comparative study of this kind has ever been published suggests that the iconic status of the Movement has had a profoundly limiting effect on Olympic historiography as a whole and thus on the debate regarding values. as well. For by exaggerating the uniqueness of the Movement, Olympic historians have conferred on it a degree of splendid (or, alternatively, discreditable) isolation that is contradicted by the historical evidence. An important consequence of this overly narrow 3. See. for example. Allen Guttmann. The Olympics: A History of the Modern Games (Urbana and Chicago, University of Illinois Press, 1992); and â€Å"The Olympic Games,† in Games Empires: Modern Sports and Cultural Imperialism (New York: Columbia University Press. 1994): 120-138. The former offers a good survey of Olympic history. The latter discusses the Olympic movement in the larger context of sport and cultural diffusion. See also Christopher Hill, Olympic Politics (Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 1992), which pays special attention to Olympic finance and the bidding process. For a highly personal and admiring treatment of the modern Olympic movement, see John Lucas, Future of the Olympic Games (Champaign, IL, Human Kinetics Books, 1992). 4. To this observation I must append an additional (and ironic) one. Even as I argue that the failure of Olympic historiography to embark upon comparative studies has isolated the movement. I must point out simultaneously that historical treatments of other international movements have isolated them in exactly the same way. In a word, nothing resembling a comprehensive theory of these international movements exists, perhaps in part because there are so many of them and they are so heterogeneous. For example, Samuel P. Huntington’s treatment of â€Å"Transnational Organizations in World Politics† (1973) includes none of the organizations discussed in the present essay and lists an â€Å"idealistic† organization like the Catholic church along with profit-oriented corporations and a pair of important Cold War institutions. His list reads as follows: Anaconda, Intelsat, Chase Manhattan, the Agency for International Development, the J. Walter Thompson advertising agency, Air France, the Strategic Air Command, Unilever, the Ford Foundation, the Catholic Church, the CIA, and the World Bank. The purpose of his essay is to analyze what he calls â€Å"a transnational organizational revolution in world politics. † See â€Å"Transnational Organizations in World Politics,† World Politics 25 (1973): 333-368. Toward a Theory of Olympic Internationalism interpretation has been to exacerbate and confuse the debate about values by crowning (or afflicting) the Movement with an exaggerated picture of its uniqueness as a vessel of reconciliation (or harm). You read "Toward a Theory of Olympic Internationalism" in category "Papers" The evidence presented below suggests that a comparison of the Olympic movement with contemporary and analogous international movements reveals a core repertory of behaviors and orientations that are common to them all. The comparative procedure presented here divides the history of these â€Å"idealistic internationalisms† into three periods that are roughly separated by the First and Second World Wars, respectively. The establishment of the Olympic movement in 1894 coincided with the sharply accelerated formation of a broad range of international organizations during the last decades of the nineteenth century. Between 1855 and 1914, their overall numbers increased from a mere handful to around 200, and the numbers have grown exponentially since the turn-of-the-century period. The comparative study of international organizations and the â€Å"movements† they launch remains underdeveloped to a striking degree, and this is so even in the case of important types of international activity. Thus, while Olympic historiography is rather well established, one historian has referred to the world of international science as a â€Å"largely unexplored domain. † On a broader scale, as anot her historian recently noted, â€Å"the construction of internationalism has merited scarcely a glance. †6 Accounting for such lacunae in the writing of history is in itself an interesting, and often difficult. istoriographical problem. It may be less difficult, however, in the case of movements that have created both core groups of loyal adherents and benevolent self-images that in some cases have exercised a virtually global reach for most of a century. The Olympic (1894), Scouting (1908), and Esperanto (1887) movements, for example, have all benefitted from benign myths of origin rooted in reverential attitudes toward the personal qualities of their respective founding fathers and the salvational doctrines they created. One result of such cults of personality is a â€Å"halo effect† that can confer on such movements a degree of immunity to critical examination. As one of the few serious historians of Scouting has pointed out: â€Å"Scouting has for so long been a familiar and well-loved part of the Western world that it appears always to have been with us, less a man-made creation than a natural, indigenous activity of our civilization. † The consequences of according such iconic status to culturally constructed institutions have been profound. In the case of Scouting, â€Å"it is startling that so few have seriously considered what it all meant. Such immunity from critical scrutiny has left Scouting almost entirely in the 5. Elizabeth Crawford, â€Å"The Universe of International Science, 1880-1939,† in Tore Frangsmyr, ed. Solomon’s House Revisited: The Organization and Institutionalization of Science (Canton, MA; Science History Publications, U. S. A. , 1990): 259-260. For evidence for the proliferation of international organizations during the twentieth century, see the Yearbook of International Organizations (Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1974). 6. Crawford, â€Å"The Universe of International Science,† 265; Leila J. Rupp, â€Å"Constructing Internationalism; The Case of Transnational Women’s organizations, 1888-1945,† American Historical Review (December 1994): 1571. 3 Journal of Sport History, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Spring 1995) hands of its own historians and publicists, a situation that is not helpful in trying to understand the origins and meaning of any movement. †7 These words are precisely descriptive of the Olympic movement, as well, the only difference being that Olympic historiography has developed (over the past 25 years) a degree of autonomy the history of Scouting has not. This autonomous branch of Olympic historiography is necessarily based on scholarly or investigative activity that produces interpretations of the Olympic movement that do not always coincide with those of the IOC and its adherents in the press and in academia. And it is here that analyzing the Movement will often be interpreted as â€Å"criticism. † Today, a generation after Wildor Hollmann’s heretical (and prophetic) remark about the future of Olympic sport, criticism of the International Olympic Committee is still capable of offending the dignity of its most powerful members. The landmark event in this regard was the publication in 1992 of The Lords of the Rings, an expose of the IOC’s inner circle by the investigative journalists Vyvian Simson and Andrew Jennings. Translated into 13 languages, the book became a global media event that traumatized the IOC leadership and, in particular, its President, Juan Antonio Samaranch, who stood accused of political opportunism and fascist allegiances both during the Franc period and after the Generalissimo’s death in 1975. The publication of Jaume Boix and Arcadio Espada’s book El deporte del poder. Vida y milagro de Juan Antonio Samaranch, containing essentially the same material on Samaranch’s political background, had gone virtually unnoticed by the world press only a year earlier. 8 The reaction from IOC headquarters to the atmosphere of scandal created by The Lords of the Rings deserves a study in itself. On 17 February 1994 the IOC and President Samaranch filed a criminal action in a Lausanne court against the authors but not against their more powerful major publishers (Simon Schuster, Bertelsman, Flammarion). The indictment (Investigation No. : CH. 32. 92) charged libel under article 174 and defamation under article 173 of the Swiss Penal Code. The tone of the document can be conveyed by quoting from its text: â€Å"The plaintiff, the International Olympic Committee (IOC) is an international nongovernmental organization, constituted as a nonlucrative association. It has the status of a person . . . . The work of the accused constitutes a lampoon directed against the plaintiffs, against the management of the IOC and its officials and against the behaviour of the former and of some of their co-contracting parties. To a large extent, the formulated criticisms constitute a blow to the honour of the IOC, its president and its 7. Michael Rosenthal. The Character Factory: Baden-Powell’s Boy Scouts and the Imperatives of Empire (New York: Pantheon Books, 1986): 1, 12. 8. Vyv Simson and Andrew Jennings, The Lords of the Rings: Power, Money and Drugs in the Modern Olympics (London: Simon Schuster, 1992); Jaime Boix and Arcadio Espada, El deporte de poder. Vida y milagro de Juan Antonio Samaranch [The Sport of Power. The Life and Miracle of Juan Antonio Samaranch] (= Hombres de hoy, Vol 30) (Madrid: Ediciones temas de hoy, 1991). For a very useful summary of this (still untranslated) volume see the review by Arnd Kruger in The International Journal of Sports History 10 (August 1993): 291-293. The author of this essay wishes to point out that he has not read El deporte del poder. 4 Toward a Theory of Olympic Internationalism members . . . The IOC is described as a secret and clandestine organization. similar to the mafia . . . The IOC, its president and its members are depicted as depraved and disgusting persons. † In December 1994. fter hearing testimony from President Samaranch himself, the court sentenced the authors in absentia to a five-day suspended jail sentence and the payment of $2,000 in court costs (which remains unpaid). The explicit reference in the indictment to violated â€Å"honour,† and the failure of article 173 to provide for any assessment of the truth or falsity of the alleged â€Å"defamation,† are a poignant reminder of the nineteenth-century origins of the IOC and th e role that aristocratic ideas about honor have played in shaping the value system and political behavior of the Olympic movement (see below). The furor created by this undocumented work of investigative journalism raised interesting questions for Olympic research. and the most important of these topics may well be the relationship between sports journalism and sports scholarship. 10 As Arnd Kruger points out in his review of El deporte del poder: â€Å"Good investigative reporting often beats much of what historians can offer in terms of graphic information and anecdotal material not so readily available in archival research. To this I would add that, in addition to useful anecdotal embellishments, these journalistic treatments of the political career of IOC president Samaranch offer the historian an opportunity to expand the framework for doing Olympic history in the direction of the comparative method described above. Indeed, Kruger himself points to the larger importance of suc h journalism: â€Å"This book ends many myths about the IOC and its current president† by excavating his political past and raising questions about how a person’s political formation may affect his conduct as 9. The carelessness (or dishonesty) with which the IOC drew up the indictment is evident in one instance in particular. Its list of alleged inaccuracies committed by the authors falsely accuses them of making an unflattering remark about the IOC that is clearly attributed in The Lords of the Rings (p. 211) to William Simon, former president of the United States Olympic Committee, former Secretary of the Treasury, and on account of his prominence, an unlikely target of IOC retaliation. The author of this essay wishes to point out that in November 1994 he sent a letter to the judge trying this care in Lausanne defending the authors’ right to publish The Lords of the Rings. 10. John J. MacAloon has written disapprovingly of what he regards as the degeneration of sports scholarship into a genre resembling sports journalism. He refers, for example, to â€Å"the uncomfortable interpretive alikeness—at least in the U. K. , where socialist analysis is one sort of cultural common sense—of much sports journalism and popular commentary on the one side, and sports sociology, stripped of its academic apparatus and pretenses, on the other. See â€Å"The Ethnographic Imperative in Comperative Olympic Research. † Sociology of Sport Journal, 9 (1992): 110. Or, â€Å"Treated like Journalists, sport scholars are tempted to act like them. † See â€Å"The Turn of Two Centuries: Sport and the Politics of Intercultural Relations,† in Fernand La ndry, Marc Landry, and Magdeleine Yerles, eds. Sport . . . The third millenium [Proceedings of the lnternational Symposium, Quebec City, Canada, May 21-25, 1990] (Sante-Foy: Les Presses de l’Universite Laval. 1991): 36. MacAloon‘s second point, regarding the likely consequences of the IOC’s unwillingness to share more information with Olympic researchers. is particularly insightful. He offers this remark in the context of arguing that sports leaders should not â€Å"deny themselves the professional expertise of scholars. † By contrast. the author of this essay regards the secretiveness of the IOC as essential to its operations as an â€Å"offshore† international body sheltering important individuals whose various operations would not stand up to press scrutiny. I would also point out that in neither of his essays does MacAloon criticize the many journalists who function as de facto publicists for the IOC. At a Colloquy on Olympic issues held in Lausanne in April 1994. IOC Director General Francois Carrard expressed the view that there are â€Å"some ten to fifteen† journalists in the world who actually understand Olympic issues. See â€Å"Proceedings of the Colloquy on the Themes of the Olympic Centennial Congress Held in the Olympic Museum, Ouchy, Lausanne on 8th, 9th and 10th April 1994† (unpublished document). Journal of Sport History, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Spring 1995) the leader of a powerful international organization that is to be counted among those â€Å"transnational forms, none of them transcendent, innocent, or neutral in political history,†11 which include the IOC. My point here is that the more we know about the formative history of an Olympic politician, the better the chances of finding comparable figures and patterns of behavior in other international organizations. In this sense, a book like The Lords of the Rings, while unsuitable as scholarly source material, has already served Olympic historiography by drawing attention to a triad of interrelated and neglected topics: first, the sheer autonomy and freedom from surveillance enjoyed by many high-ranking international functionaries inside and outside the IOC; second, how the upper echelons of international organizations provide political and financial opportunity and sanctuary to significant numbers of people who have compromised themselves in various ways back in their national communities; and third, the long history of extreme right-wing personalities and attitudes within the IOC. As Simson and Jennings put it: â€Å"The Samaranch who went to the IOC in 1966 would have found himself at ease among the many other members from authoritarian or undemocratic backgrounds. †12 One purpose of this essay is to account for this continuity between the IOC of the fascist period in Europe and the comparable elites to be found at the top of international sports federations today. This ideological continuity is not simply a result of the procedures by which the IOC or any of the other federations choose their members. On the contrary, the selfperpetuating process which renews the membership of the IOC has been made even more efficient by the way it and comparable organizations have served as â€Å"offshore† enterprise zones for right-wing personalities and various amoral opportunists since the political collapse of fascism in 1945. 1. The Early Internationalist Period Any study of the â€Å"idealistic† international movements of the fin de siecle period must acknowledge their diverse characteristics as well as demonstrate the values and behaviors that make them cohere as a distinct category of thematically interrelated organizations that sometimes attracted overlapping clienteles. Their homogeneity and heterogeneity as a class of social phenomena become yet clearer if we expand the scope of our survey beyond the four primary movements to be examined here, namely, the Red Cross (1863), the Esperanto movement (1887), the Olympic movement (1894). and the Scouting movement (1908). It is of fundamental importance, for example, that all of these movements were ideologically distinct from Marxist internationalism. Indeed, this is one way to account for the fact that all of them eventually accommodated the Nazis in various ways. The First International (or International Working Men’s Association) was founded by Marx in 1864, outlawed in France and Germany, and effectively dissolved in 1872. Despite its 11. MacAloon, â€Å"The Ethnographic Imperative in Comperative Olympic Research,† 126. 12. Simson and Jennings, The Lords of the Rings, 111. 6 Toward a Theory of Olympic Internationalism political insignificance, as James Joll notes, â€Å"it had awakened all Europe to the possibilities of international working class action . . . . And so, on the eve of its extinction, the International was endowed with a legendary power it had lacked in its lifetime, and acquired a largely spurious tradition of heroic international revolutionary action. † The Second International (1889-l914), which collapsed when the European proletariat deserted international solidarity for national chauvinism and military service at the outbreak of the Great War, actually employed some of the ideas and rhetorical devices characteristic of the â€Å"bourgeois† internationalisms of the epoch. That these superficial resemblances were outweighed by the ideological barrier is evident in the fact that its ideological descendants would eventually stage an impressive series of Workers Olympiads (1921-1937) that the Socialist Workers Sports International claimed were more genuinely international than the â€Å"bourgeois† Olympic Games. The internationalism of the late nineteenth century could also take the form of an artistic cosmopolitanism. Like the Olympic movement, Wagnerism was an international movement originating in an established cultural medium (music) that developed both a distinctive ideology, composed of a cultural critique and a program for cultural renewal, and an international clientele. The golden age of Wagnerian internationalism commenced in 1872, when the master moved to Bayreuth, and ended with his death in 1883. Olympism and Wagnerism both served up ersatz religious experiences to people disillusioned with European â€Å"progress† and positivis t thinking. There was a pervasive need for an emotional piety that was less vulnerable than orthodox religious observance to the dessicating effects of change, scientific progress. and higher biblical criticism. †13 During the last decades of the nineteenth century there appeared a variety of internationalisms that could satisfy such needs. and the Wagner cult that spread west to America and east to Russia was one of them. To be sure, Wagnerism was German in a way the Olympic movement could not be, although the 1936 Berlin Olympiad, judged as an aesthetic production, was a great triumph of the Olympic â€Å"Germanizers† that put its permanent mark on Olympic ritual. 4 Yet even the Germanness of Wagnerism took the form of a universalistic doctrine that anticipated the Olympic movement and its redemptive mission across national boundaries. For in identifying the Germans as the most â€Å"universal† of peoples, Wagner was proclaiming Germany’s mission to the world. This sort of ethnocentric cosmopolitanism, as we shall see in the next section of this essay, eventually served as a transitional Weltanschauung to expedite the process by which Germany overcame the xenophobic inhibitions deriving from its own cultural insecurities and appropriated Olympic internationalism on German terms. 13. David C. Large and William Weber, â€Å"Introduction†; David C. Large, â€Å"Wagner’s Bayreuth Disciples,† in David C. Large and William Weber, eds. Wagnerism in European Culture and Politics (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1984): 18. 14. Thomas Alkemeyer, â€Å"Gewalt und Opfer im Ritual der Olympischen Spiele 1936,† in Gunter Gebauer, ed. Korper und Einbildungskraft: Inszenierungen des Helden im Sport (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag, 1988): 44-79. 7 Journal of Sport History, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Spring 1995) Wagner’s foreign admirers were thus able to enjoy his musical productions as supranational experiences. In addition, as Gerald D. Turbow has pointed out, the Wagner devotee was participating in the general internationalist ferment of the epoch whether he knew it or not. Thus one French enthusiast, â€Å"writing shortly after the Geneva Treaty on War [1864], the establishment of the Red Cross [1863], and the organization of the First International [1864], found the principle of world unity and peace in Wagner’s operas. In characteristic utopian terms he maintained that just as Wagner had eliminated the barriers that existed between set numbers in the formal operas and just as the old boundaries between cities were vanishing, so now would they disappear between countries as well. †15 It is even more interesting to learn that Coubertin experienced his own Wagnerian epiphany. In his Olympic Memoirs (193l), Coubertin reports that a visit to Bayreuth, and the â€Å"passionate strains† of Wagner’s music, assisted him in seeing the â€Å"Olympic horizons† before his mind’s eye. 6 The existence of a Wagnerian internationalism demonstrates that certain internationalist projects of this period were not negations of nat ionalism but rather cultural projections of nationalist impulses employing cosmopolitan vocabularies rooted in ethnocentric ideas of national grandeur. 17 A variety of internationalist initiatives, including the Olympic movement, both included and disguised nationalist and even cultic themes which could be presented as cosmopolitan projects within the European context. Rooted in racialistic European mythologies, such idealistic cosmopolitanisms did not anticipate, to take only one example, the multiracial agenda of the modern Olympic movement. Olympism, Wagnerism, and the Salzburg [music] Festival (1920-) are three such cosmopolitanisms rooted in cultic reappropriations of the European past. Their respective ideological sources are the myth of ancient Hellas, Germanic mythology, and a myth of Austria’s baroque cultural heritage, and there is evidence which suggests they once constituted a single festival metagenre in the minds of some observers. Thus, in 1918, an Austrian cultural critic wrote that the Salzburg Festival was the first â€Å"total aesthetic realization (Durchbildung) of the festival character† since the revival of the 15. Gerald D. Turbow, â€Å"Art and Politics: Wagnerism in France,† in Wagnerism in European Culture and Politics, 153. 16. Pierre de Coubertin, Memoires olympiques (Lausanne: Bureau international de pedagogie sportive, 1931): 64. It is also interesting to note that Jules Ferry, an early prime minister of the French Third Republic, was both a supporter of Coubertin and an admirer of Wagner. See Turbow, â€Å"AR and Politics: Wagnerism in France,† 143, 146. 17. Cosmopolitanism and internationalism have been (properly) defined as different ideals. Marcel Mauss, writing in 1919-1920, regarded these terms as opposed ideas. â€Å"Internationalism worthy of the name is the opposite of cosmopolitanism. It does not deny the nation, it situates it. Internation is the opposite of a-nation. Thus it is also the opposite of nationalism, which isolates the nation. † Mauss defines cosmopolitanism as a doctrine which tends toward â€Å"the destruction of nations, to the creation of a moral order (morale) in which they would no longer be the sovereign authorities, creators of the law, nor the supreme ends worthy of future sacrifices to a superior cause, named humanity itself. † Mauss derides this ideal as â€Å"an etheral theory of the monadic human being who is everywhere identical. † See Marcel Mauss, â€Å"Nation, national, internationalisme,† in Oeuvres, 3 (Paris: Editions de minuit, 1969). 8 Toward a Theory of Olympic Internationalism Olympic Games. 8 What is more, historians of both Wagnerism and the Salzburg Festival have shown how these cultural productions—in effect, nationalistic cults—were successfully marketed to international audiences. â€Å"The tact and success of the pan-European Salzburg propaganda came from the fact that this nationalist program could be expressed as a cosmopolitan ideal that in turn would seem like pure internationalism to the English and the French. †19 The Olympic movement, too, has derived much of its international prestige from precisely this sort of transformation, whereby an essentially national ambition has been perceived as Enlightenment cosmopolitanism. In all three case—Olympism, Wagnerism, and Salzburg—the â€Å"European idea† proved to be a politically viable packaging for nationalistic content. As we will see in the next section, both German â€Å"universalism† and the â€Å"European idea† served to reconcile the ideological needs of European rightwingers to the requirements of Olympic internationalism. 20 Certain international movements of this period can be seen as gendered. embodying a kind of male or a female solidarity and an ideology to express this gendered orientation. The Olympic and Scouting movements began as internationalisms that promulgated related conceptions of the ideal male. an orientation that had political consequences during the fascist period (see below). Even though both eventually absorbed female participants, gender integration occurred in a male-dominated context that ascribed limited capacities to female participants. A countervailing example of gender-segregated internationalism was the organizing of women on a transnational basis, which began in 1888 with the founding of the International Council of Women in Washington. D. C. â€Å"Both by assuming fundamental gender differences and by advocating separatist organizing, women in transnational organizations drew boundaries that separated men from women. †21 This autonomous policy of segregation makes female internationalism especially interesting to the comparativist as a â€Å"control group† internationalism vis-a-vis other groups precisely because its leaders claimed to be building upon a distinct and more pacific type of human nature than that possessed by their male counterparts. In retrospect, however, the comparison between â€Å"male† and â€Å"female† international organizations is interesting precisely because it reveals more similarities than differences, confirming my operating thesis that there is a core repertory of behaviors and attitudes that characterize the important groups that appear during this extraordinary period of internationalist ferment. This repertory includes a rhetoric of universal membership, a 18. Michael P. Steinberg, The Meaning of the Salzburg Festival: Austria as Theater and Ideology, 18901938 (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1990): 60. 19. Large, â€Å"Wagner’s Bayreuth Disciples,95: Steinberg, The Meaning of the Salzburg Festival, 69. The festival program revealed on every level a convergence of explicitly cosmopolitan and pan-European ideals with a Bavarian-Austrian—that is, a baroque-nationalism. † See Steinberg, 23. 20. I have adapted this paragraph from John M. Hoberman, â₠¬Å"Olympic Universalism and the Apartheid Issue. † in Fernand Landry, Marc Landry, and Magdeleine Yerles eds. Sport. . . The third millenium [Proceedings of the International Symposium, Quebec City, Canada, May 21-25, 1990] (Sainte-Foy: Les Presses de l’Universite Laval, 1991): 531. 21. Rupp, â€Å"Constructing Internationalism,† 1582. 9 Journal of Sport History, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Spring 1995) Eurocentric orientation that limits universal participation, an insistence on political neutrality, the empowering role of wealth, social prominence and aristocratic affiliations. professed interest in peacemaking or pacifism, a complex and problematic relationship between national and international loyalties, the emergence of a (marginalized) â€Å"citizen-of-the-world†-style radical supranationalism, and the use of visual symbols such as flags and anthems. One might also say that all of these movements offered to their members a philosophy of creative international a ction amounting to a way of life for those possessing the necessary dedication and financial independence to pursue it. The Feminist International appears to have differed from its male counterparts in not producing a conspicuous hagiographical tradition honoring its â€Å"founding mothers. More importantly, an exclusively female membership and its doctrine of biogendered pacifism (â€Å"All wars are men’s wars†) precluded their adopting (as the Olympic and Scouting movements did) the ideology of chivalry as the basis for establishing an idealized transnational identity. As we will see in the next section, the establishment of a transnational male identity based upon â€Å"chivalric† ideals played an important role in shaping relations between the â€Å"male† internationalisms and Nazi Germany. In addition to sharing a set of core behaviors and attitudes, the idealistic internationalisms were bound together by personal ties between groups and by individu als with ties to more than one group. For example, Dietrich Quanz has demonstrated Coubertin’s close ties to the European peace movement of the fin de siecle and the prewar Nobel Peace Prize Laureates (1901-1913): â€Å"Coubertin must have noticed this model for international private oganizations. He had had contact with almost half of the Nobel Peace Prize winners, some of whom were his friends. He listed five of them as honorary members of the Founding Congress of the IOC in 1894. † 22 Among Coubertin’s Nobel Peace Prize contacts was the Austrian pacifist Alfred Hermann Fried, who published an Esperanto textbook for German-speakers in 1903. 23 Coubertin was also co-founder in 1910 (with the Nobel Prizewinning [1908] physicist Gabriel Lippmann) of the Ligue d’Education National. he forerunner of the French Boy Scouts,24 while Lord BadenPowell, the founder of the Scouting movement, promoted the British ideology of sportsmanship absorbed by Coubertin. 25 The pacifistically inclined German educa tor Friedrich Wilhelm Forster (1869-1966) called Baden22. Dietrich R. Quanz. â€Å"Formatting Power of the IOC: Founding the Birth of a New Peace Movement. † Citius. Altius. Fortius, 3 (Winter 1995): 12. See also Dietrich R. Quanz, â€Å"Die Grundung des IOC im Horizont von burgerlichem Pazifismus und Internationalismus,† in Gunter Gebauer, ed. Die Aktualitat der Sportphilosophie (St. Augustin: Academia Verlag, 1993), 191-216: â€Å"Civic Pacifism and Sports-Based Internationalism: Framework for the Founding of the International Olympic Committee,† Olympika. The International Journal of Olympic Studies, 2 (1993): 1-23. 23. Ulrich Lins, Die gefahrliche Sprache: Die Verfolgung der Esperantisten unter Hitler und Stalin (Gerlingen: Bleicher Verlag, 1988): 41. 24. Arnd Kruger, â€Å"Neo-Olypismus zwischen Nationalismus und internationalismus,† in Horst Ueberhorst, ed. Gescichte der Leibesubung, 3/1 (Berlin: Bartels und Wernitz, 1980): 524. 25. Rosenthal, The Character Factory, 10, 31. 10 Toward a Theory of Olympic Internationalism Powell’s Scouting for Boys (1908) â€Å"the best pedagogical book to have appeared in decades. †26 Like Coubertin, the German chemist Wilhelm Ostwald (Nobel Prize 1909) had multiple ties to internationalist projects. At first a supporter of Esperanto, Ostwald changed his allegiance to Esperanto’s chief competitor, the artificial language Ido, in 1908. He also worked toward founding an international chemical institute. 27 In a more eccentric vein. Ostwald served as President of the International Committee of Monism, a philosophy based on the universal authority of science that aimed at propagating â€Å"a rational ethics. † In Monism as the Goal of Civilization (1913), Ostwald held out the possibility of â€Å"a completely neutral and likewise easily acquired auxiliary language† as â€Å"an indescribable blessing† for mankind. pointing to â€Å"the rapidly increasing international arrangements and relations† and the â€Å"irresistible flow toward the international organization of human affairs. 28 All three of the early international women’s organizations weighed the possibility of adopting Esperanto as a means of facilitating communication. 29 The Intern ational Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) sent a delegation to the Esperanto Congress held in Dresden in 1907. 30 The first chairman of the London Esperanto Club, Felix Moscheles, was President of the International Arbitration and Peace Association and a major figure in the pacifist movement. 31 These and other interrelationships confirm the thesis that such groups belong to a genre of international organizations, both unified and variegated, that deserves to be studied in a comparative manner. As the great early promoter of international sport, â€Å"the Esperanto of the aces† (Jean Giraudoux), Coubertin occupies a central position within this configuration of internationally minded idealists. All of the idealistic internationalisms of this period appealed to deep feelings among Europeans that were rooted in anxieties about war and peace. As inhabitants of a political universe that has effectively banished the memory of socialist internationalism prior to the Third (Communis t) International, we would do well to recall its stature as the preeminent antiwar movement of its period (1889-1914). â€Å"For at least fifty years,† as James Joll has noted, â€Å"international Socialism was one of the great intellectual forces in Europe . . . while no statesman or political thinker could avoid taking it into account. The urgency of the feelings shared by Socialist and non-Socialist internationalists alike was evident at the emergency congress of the Socialist International, held in Basle in November 1913, as fear of war spread throughout 26. Karl Seidelmann, Die Pfadfinder in der deutschen Jugendgeschichte (Hannover: Hermann Schroedel Velag, 1977): 28-29. 27. Lins, Die gefahrliche Sprache, 42; Crawford, â€Å"The Universe of International Science,† 264, it is worth noting that Crawford calls Ostwald â€Å"the most ubiquitous of scientists† (264). 28. Wilhelm Ostwald, Monism as the Goal of Civilization (Hamburg: The International Committee o f Monism, 1913): 10, 6, 25. 29. Rupp, â€Å"Constructing Internationalism,† 1578. 30. Peter G. Forster, The Esperanto Movement (The Hague: Mouton Publishers, 1982): 170. 31. Lins, Die gefahrliche Sprache, 28. 11 Journal of Sport History, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Spring 1995) Europe. Sobered into a state of somber meditation that permitted the relaxation of ideological discipline, the delegates heard the great French leader Jean Jaures sound a religious note, while the next day the veteran Swiss Socialist Greulich, â€Å"when finally closing the proceedings, not only referred to Bach’s B Minor Mass but even, though with an apologetic ‘Don’t be alarmed’, quoted from the Roman Catholic liturgy to express the socialist hope: ‘Exspecto resurrectionem mortuorum et vitam venturam saeculis’. †32 The ideological divisions that separated Socialists from non-Socialists (and, ater, Socialists from Communists) have had a profound impact on the entire phenomenon of European internationalism during this century. The sports and Esperanto movements eventually split along ideological lines into socialist and â€Å"bourgeois† factions, while Baden-Powell’s bo urgeois-nationalist Boy Scout organization was subjected to harsh criticism just after the Great War by his onetime successor-apparent, John Hargrave, a militant proponent of â€Å"World Friendship† who could not stomach the imperialist component of Baden-Powell’s doctrine. That Baden-Powell rejected the charge as â€Å"Bolshevism† only confirms the importance of the division between the anti-imperialist, non-establishmentarian internationalisms and their bourgeois-nationalist counterparts. 3 In the case of the Esperantists, however, this ideological divide was mostly illusory, due to the fact that the artificial language movement appealed to the marginal and the underprivileged from its very beginnings in eastern Poland and Russia in the late 1880s and 1890s. This affinity between the fraternal idealism of the Esperantists and the ethical program of the revolutionary Left was recognized by the early psychoanalytical writer J. C. Flugel, who was himself an Esper antist. â€Å"The Esperanto movement,† he wrote in 1925, â€Å"with its quasi-religious enthusiasm and its attempt to break down the barriers between nations and races, inevitably challenges comparison with certain other movements of a universalizing tendency. It has, of course, certain features in common with Socialism and Communism. These also are international and pacifist in character, and aim at fostering a spirit of comradeship among fellow-members; but they differ from the Esperanto movement in two important respects: (a) In the essential economic basis of their programme; (b) In that the revolutionary and insurgent tendencies— based ultimately on displacements of father-hatred—are very much more prominent. In the Esperanto movement these latter tendencies are implicit rather than explicit . . . .†34 This crucial distinction between explicit and implicit â€Å"insurgent tendencies† was the most important difference between the revolutionary and his typological opposite, the linguistic humanitarian whose progressive idealism was channeled into more symbolic forms of re32. James Joll, The Second lnternational 1889-1914 (London and Boston: Routledge Kegan Paul, 1974): 1, 158, 159. 33. Rosenthal, The Character Factory, 245-247. 34. J. C. Flugel, â€Å"Some Unconscious Factors in the International Language Movement With Special Reference to Esperanto,† International Journal of Psycho-Analysis, 6 (1925): 12 Toward a Theory of Olympic Internationalism sistance to political repression and national chauvinism. Despite its nonrevolutionary status, Flugel saw his analysis of the artificial language movement as a contribution to â€Å"the psychology of progressive social movements† in a wider sense. A study of the â€Å"unconscious mental mechanisms with which psycho-analysis has made us familiar† could thus illuminate â€Å"the wider psychological problems presented by language and by constructive social movements in general. Such comments make it clear that Flugel was canny enough to understand that â€Å"rational† policies might well derive in part from nonrational impulses. Thus he did not hesitate to identify the altruism and dynamism of his fellow Esperantrists with sexual wishes and potent ially grandiose ideas about undoing the havoc wrought in the Biblical story of the Tower of Babel. 35 Still, it is apparent that Flugel saw internationalism as a single genre of activity that was inherently â€Å"progressive† despite its psychoanalytic complications, and it is likely that he associated its â€Å"constructive† potential with the Enlightenment tradition of rational problemsolving and cosmopolitan understanding. The problem with this portrait of the Esperantists is that it is expurgated (or simply uninformed) and thus historically inaccurate in important respects. By 1925. there was plenty of evidence to suggest that the Esperanto movement was not uniformly â€Å"progressive † in a political sense; it would appear, however, that Flugel overlooked these facts on account of his deep respect both for the founding father of the movement and for many of his fellow enthusiasts. The founder of Esperanto, Ludwig Lazar Zamenhof (18591917), was a Jew born in Bialystok, Poland, who was convinced that only an artificial and universally comprehensible language could heal the ethnic strife that plagued this area. (At the age of 10, Zamenhof wrote a five-act tragedy, set in Bialystok, based on the Tower of Babel story. In the years that followed his publication of the first Esperanto textbook in 1887, adherents of the movement deemphasized Zamenhof’s Jewish origins in order to minimize anti-S emitic resistance to their proselytizing efforts. More surprising in retrospect is the fact that the Dreyfus Affair (1895) the great political litmus test of fin-de-siecle French political life, polarized the French Esperantists, demonstrating that linguistic internationalism alone did not guarantee a â€Å"progressive† political orientation. The â€Å"Declaration on the Essence of Esperanto† that was adopted at the first Congress of Esperantists held at Boulogne-surmer in 1905 was a clear declaration of political neutrality that did not even mention world peace. Indeed, the Universal Esperanto Association (UEA) was not established until 1908, by which time the influence of Zamenhof’s quasi-religious doctrine of universal brotherhood was already in decline. 36 To some extent this breach between the founders’ ideals and a more practical orientation emphasizing commerce and science reflected a difference in out35. Flugel, â€Å"Some Unconscious Factors,† 171-172, 208, 187, 190. 36. Lins, Die gefahrliche Sprache, 29, 31, 26. 13 Journal of Sport History, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Spring 1995) look between Western Europe (especially France) and Eastern Europe and Russia. where political repression and a high proportion of Jewish Esperantists had preserved the early idealism. The larger lesson, however, is that even early on linguistic internationalism showed signs of the defensive political neutralism and resulting fissiparous tendencies that compromised its independence and opened windows of opportunity for political activists on the Left and the Right during the 1920s and 1930s. That even as well-informed an observer as Flugel did not understand the ideological instability of the Esperantists points to some of our own acquired habits of thought regarding the effectiveness of internationalist ideals and the transnational groups that attempt to implement them. The traditional (though now eroding) assumption that idealistic internationalisms can transform the modern world has been profoundly shaped by our image of the Enlightenment cosmopolitanism that dates from the late eighteenth century. The League of Nations, the United Nations, the vast empires of modern science and sport, nd countless international arrangements of equal or lesser scope all trace th eir ancestry (or an important part of it) to a period that has taken on the aura of a Golden Age. It has been more than two hundred years since the American Philosophical Society proclaimed (in 1778) that â€Å"Nations truly civilized (however unhappily at variance on other accounts) will never wage war with the Arts and Sciences and the common Interests of Humanity,†37 but the charm (and the pathos) of such a declaration, and its promise of a Sacred Truce between the nations, affect us still. By the end of the nineteenth century, this ideal was most clearly expressed in what Elisabeth Crawford has called the â€Å"universe of international science. † â€Å"Because science was universal and constituted a common language. she notes, â€Å"international scientific organizations, it was felt, could become models for international associations generally and even help usher in world government. †38 This idealized image of cosmopolitan networking in the service of pr ogress has been the standard against which internationalist projects have been judged for the last century. What is more, this fantasy of a transnational scientific enterprise untainted by national self-interests has created unrealistic expectations in relation to all of the idealistic internationalisms, prominently including the Olympic movement. If we are interested in establishing the potential of the idealistic internationalisms, then the value of the comparative method lies in establishing realistic parameters of action (and even imagination) over the long term. If we ask, for example, whether the Olympic movement has done what it should have been able to do in fulfillment of its professed aims, what we are really asking is whether it has performed on a par with analogous organizations in comparable historical conditions. While no two of these organizations have had identical resources at their disposal, even the (necessarily 37. Thomas J. Schlereth, The Cosmopolitan Ideal in Enlightenment Thought (South Bend: The Notre Dame University Press, 1977): 45. 38. Crawford, â€Å"The Universe of International Science,† 254. 14 Toward a Theory of Olympic Internationalism abbreviated) survey presented in this essay can, I believe, identify that â€Å"core repertory of attitudes and behaviors† that makes comparison worthwhile. Perhaps the most general of these factors is the contest between nationalist and internationalist motives and loyalties (in differing proportions) within the minds of those who led or followed. If Coubertin came to â€Å"the conviction that patriotism and internationalism were not only not incompatible, but required one another,† then this was one (entirely reasonable) response to a problem that could be solved in various ways. 39 In the case of Baden-Powell’s movement, â€Å"the celebration of national greatness,† as Michael Rosenthal points out, â€Å"becomes a problem for the Scouts . . . when the insistence on British national superiority clashes with the equality of all people that is so much a part of Scouting, and more particularly within the movement’s worldwide ambitions that rapidly developed. 40 This potential for intrapsychic conflict affected the Esperantists, as well, even if Zamenhof had personally resolved the internal conflict between the competing identities of â€Å"human being† and â€Å"patriot† in favor of the former. Disagreements among the Esperantists regarding whether they should organize on a national or supranational basis were another manifestation of this basic conflict between national and internationalist affiliations. How the individual member resolved this conflict was a question of political temperament, although it is also true that the range of choices depended to some extent on the movement to which one belonged. The Esperanto movement, for example, tolerated radical, â€Å"citizen-of-the-world†-style supranationalism in a way that the Scouting and Olympic movements did not. A comparative look at their founders can help us understand why. The movements of Lord Robert Baden-Powell (1857-1941) and Pierre de Coubertin are strikingly similar in several respects. Both movements proclaimed early on their universal, apolitical, nonracial and nonmilitary nature: while neither founder was a pacifist—Baden-Powell was an acclaimed professional soldier—both claimed to serve the cause of peace: while they claimed to be classless movements, both were also intended as strategies to deal with domestic social instability and class conflict. Both founders were acclaimed as â€Å"educators† and mobilizers of youth. Both shared the racialistic ideas of their time, although Baden-Powell made openly racist statements in a way that Coubertin did not. 41 Both put a high priority on appearing politically neutral, and both understood the importance of creating a rhetoric and a public image that â€Å"transcended† politics. When recruiting the Comite Jules Simon, as John J. MacAloon points out, â€Å"Coubertin reproduced the now familiar claim that ‘we have recruited adherents of all parties, our work is in effect sheltered from all political quarrels. ’ In fact, the ‘shelter,’ such as it was, owed to drawing all of the members from the ‘parties of order’ and 39. MacAloon, This Great Symbol, 112. 40. Rosenthal, The Character Factory, 176. 41. Rosenthal, The Character Factory, 40-43, 181, 254-267. On Coubertin’s racial thinking see Hoberman, â€Å"Olympic Universalism and the Apartheid Issue,† 524-525. 15 Journal of Sport History, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Spring 1995) skewing their ‘neutrality’ toward the right. †42 Baden-Powell pursued the same strategy, and the Esperantists too did their best to establish a nonpartisan profile. 43 (Among the late-nineteenth-century movements, the Red Cross had pioneered the policy of absolute neutrality in the 1860s. ) It is clear, then, that the claim (or pretense) to political neutrality, a policy that would both empower and constrain these movements throughout the twentieth century, was regarded by most non-Socialist internationalists as an absolute requirement for effective action. What distinguished the Scouting and Olympic movements in quite another sense from the Esperantists and the Red Cross was their pursuit of aristocratic affiliations or royal patronage, itself an important ideological signature of movements that were bent on achieving a reconciliation of the social classes. By contrast, Zamenhof saw Esperanto as an instrument of the oppressed, and Flugel later offered an interesting explanation as to why â€Å"the international language movement has enjoyed comparatively little support from the more aristocratic and educated classes. †44 The mononational Red Cross, which until 1923 recruited its membership exclusively from the cream of the Genevan professional bourgeoisie, did not need aristocratic sponsorship. 45 Coubertin, on the other hand, had to create his own establishment. In 1908, European nobility made up 68 percent of the membership of the IOC, a figure which declined to 41 percent by 1924. 46 In Britain, Baden-Powell—a socially prominent hero of the Boer War-had access to a uniquely celebrated caste of royals. â€Å"The Royal family and the English government have shown a great interest in scouting since its inception,† one observer wrote in 1948. â€Å"The King became the Patron of the British Boy Scouts, the Prince of Wales became Chief Scout for Wales and Princess Mary the president of the Girl Guides. † At the first Jamboree held in London in 1920, Prince Gustav Adolph of Sweden was made honorary president of the International Boy 42. MacAloon, This Great Symbol, 105. 43. The official Soviet view of Scouting in the West challenged its claim to political neutrality: â€Å"Scouting seeks to train the younger generation in a spirit of loyalty to the ideals of bourgeois society. Although professing to be unaffiliated with any political party, scout organizations do in fact have clearly expressed political, militaristic, and religious tendencies they strive to keep the younger generation from participating in the struggle for revolutionary and democratic change and to isolate young people from the influence of materialism and communism. Scouting advocates the idea of class peace in a capitalist state. . . The Komsomol [youth organization] consistently struggled against the scout movement. The second, third, and fourth Komsomol congresses (1918-20) adopted resolutions calling for the dissolution of scout groups and worked out a program for the creation of a new, communist type of children’s organization. † Here, as in other areas of popular culture like sport and the arts, Communists faced the challenge of repackaging attractive â€Å"bourgeois† activities in conformity with Marxist-Leninist ideological requirements. See the Great Soviet Encyclopedia, Vol. 23 (New York: Macmillan, 1979): 253. 44. Flugel, â€Å"Some Unconcious Factors,† 200; see also 175, 176, 201. 5. Jean-Claude Favel, Warum schwieg das Rote Kreuz? Eine internationale Organisation und das Dritte Reich (Munich: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1994): 25-26. 46. M. Blodorn and W. Nigmann, â€Å"Zur Ehre underes Vaterlandes und zum Ruhme des Sports,† in M. Blodorn, ed. Sport und Olympische S piele (Rheinbek bei hamburg: Rowohlt, 1984): 42. See also Kruger, â€Å"Neo-Olympismus zwischen Nationalismus und Internationalismus,† 529, 551. 16 Toward a Theory of Olympic Internationalism Scout Committee. 47 Appearances notwithstanding, the recruitment of these prestigious sponsors did not point to politically reactionary intentions on the part of the recruiters. In fact, Coubertin used his affiliations with the nobility to advance the cause of sportive internationalism against the resistance of stubborn nationalists. 48 Today, however, the IOC’s interest in recruiting royals appears to be less pragmatic than a response to the prestige-seeking needs of its current President. 2. Olympic Internationalism in the Age of Fascism Olympic internationalism during the Nazi period remains poorly understood, in part because the number of English-language commentaries remains limited. 49 My purpose in this section is to depart from the traditional emphasis on the 1936 Berlin Olympiad, which has been widely misunderstood as an isolated lapse on the part of the IOC, in order to place it in the larger politicalhistorical context where it belongs. We now know that Coubertin saw the â€Å"Nazi Olympics† as the culmination of his life’s work, and it is important to understand why he believed this and why in a sense he was right in doing so. For the Olympic movement during this period is best understood as a rightwing internationalism that was effectively coopted by the Nazis and their French and German sympathizers during the 1930s. This cooptation was made possible in part by an ideological compatibility between the IOC elite and the Nazis based on a shared ideal of aristocratic manhood and the value system that derived from their glorification of the physically perfect male as the ideal human being. It is important for us to understand this IOC-Nazi collaboration if only because, contrary to what many have doubtless 47. Saul Scheidlinger, â€Å"A Comparative Study of the Boy Scout Movement in Different National and Social Groups,† American Sociological Review , 13 (1948): 740, 741. 48. Kruger, â€Å"Neo-Olympismus zwischen Nationalismus und Internationalismus,† 549. 49. The traditional approach to the Olympic histoy of this period is to focus on the 1936 Berlin Olympiad as an exceptional event in the history of the movement. See, especially, Richard Mandell, The Nazi Olympics (New York: Macmillan, 1971; Arnd Kruger. Die olympischen Spiele 1936 und die Weltmeinung (Berlin, Munich, Frankfurt/M. : Verlag Bartels Wernitz KG, 1972): Duff Hart-Davis, Hitler’s Games: The 1936 Olympics (New York: Harper and Row, 1986). The indispensable sources for understanding the relationship between the IOC and the Nazis are Hans-Joachim Teichler, â€Å"Coubertin und das Dritte Retch,† Sportwissenschaft, 12 (1982): 18-53; Allen Guttmann, The Games Must Go On: Avery Brundage and the Olympic Movement (New York, Columbia University Press, 1984): and W. J. Murray, â€Å"France, Coubertin and the Nazi Olympics: The Response,† Olympika: The International Journal of Olympic Studies, 1 (1992): 4669. See also John Hoberman, The Olympic Crisis: Sport, Politics, and the Moral Order (New Rochelle, N. Y: Aristide D. Caratzas, Publisher, 1986). More recent publications on the Olympic movement during the interwar period include Stephen R. Wenn, â€Å"A Suitable Policy of Neutrality? FDR and the Question of American Participation in the 1936 Olympics,† International Journal of the History of Sport , 8 (1991): 319-335; Bill Murray, â€Å"Berlin in 1936: Old and New Work on the Nazi Olympics. † International Journal of the History of Sport, 9 (1992): 29-49: Martin Polley, â€Å"Olympic Diplomacy: The British Government and the Projected 1940 Olympic Games,† lnternational Journal of the History of Sport 9 (1992): 169-187: William J. Baker, â€Å"Muscular Marxism and the Chicago Counter-Olympics of 1932,† International Journal of the History of Sport 9 (1992): 397-410; Per Olof Holmang, â€Å"International Sports Organizations 1919-25 Sweden and the German Question. † International Journal of the History of Sport 9 (1992): 455-466; and Junko Tahara. â€Å"Count Michimasa Soyeshima and the Cancellation of the XII Olympiad in Tokyo: A Footnote to Olympic History,† lnternational Journal of the History of Sport, 9 (1992) 467-472. On the workers sport movement, see Jonathan F. Wagner, â€Å"Prague’s Socialist Olympics of 1934,† Canadian Journal of the History of Sport, 12 (1992): 1-18. 17 Journal of Sport History, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Spring 1995) assumed, it was not interrupted by the collapse of the Nazi empire in 1945. The postwar denazification of tainted European organizations, limited as it was, did not extend to the IOC, which continued to accommodate its Nazi members and their sympathizers in the old spirit of collegiality. The third section of this essay will examine how this ideological affinity group managed to preserve its traditional viewpoint (and the careers of some important adherents) well into the postwar era, and how its immunity to liberalhumanitarian influence remains a model for the IOC today. At this point, however, some historical background is required. The following narrative can be introduced by a so-called trivia question, to wit: Who was Jules Rimet, the man for whom the World Cup of soccer is named? I found the answer to this question in the April 1933 issue of the Deutsch-Franzosische Rundschau, one of several journals devoted to FrancoGerman cultural exchange and mutual understanding during the period between the world wars. On 18 March of that fateful year, the French national soccer team arrived in Berlin led by Jules Rimet, president of both the French Soccer Association and the international federation (FIFA). Waiting to greet the French delegation were the chairman of the German Soccer Association (DFB), representatives of numerous other sports federations, and the press. In a word, this occasion was a political and media event. The game between the French and German teams, played before 45,000 German spectators under a sparkling spring sky, somehow ended in a tie. Rimet himself observed that the German team had controlled the ball for three-quarters of the game, and the Parisian sports paper L’Auto said the Germans had, in effect, lost a game they should have won. At the traditional banquet after the ga How to cite Toward a Theory of Olympic Internationalism, Papers